This continues where Lobster 14‘s reprint of the piece from Tribune stopped. It was unfortunate that the debate over the status of Colin Wallace and his allegations really got going just as Lobster 14 went to the printer. Below is what followed.
- 27th August 1987. Colin Wallace letter in response to the John Ware article of 6th August in The Listener.
- September 2 1987. The Independent publishes an entire page plus part of its front page attacking Colin Wallace and Fred Holroyd: stories by David McKittrick, with an additional blast from John Ware. This page plus was wrong in almost every detail. Part of the McKittrick assault on Holroyd was some photographs and a report which had come from the Royal Ulster Constabulary. McKittrick/The Independent didn’t know or didn’t care that the same information/pictures had already been offered to a number of other papers, including the Sunday Times, by Chris Ryder. All had rejected the package. (On this see Time Out 22 July 1987 and Private Eye (item 7 below).This Independent smear – which is what it was – included all the standard anti-Wallace material plus one or two of the new lines developed by the M.O.D. during the summer. It included a variant on the Ulster Citizens’ Army smear analysed in Lobster 14. This is quite the most astonishing – and astonishingly inaccurate – attack on anyone in recent years to have been run by a non-tabloid British newspaper.
- September 5 1987. Steve Dorril and I send out a refutation of the attack on Wallace – 12 pages of text/analysis and 28 pages of accompanying documents, 6 pages of which was the analysis of the UCA smear published in Lobster 14. We sent out 50 copies to various people in the media known to have been interested in the story and the handful of politicians who had been active in the Wright/MI5 story earlier in the year. The Independent got 4 copies. We didn’t tackle the attack on Fred Holroyd because he was on holiday and out of contact at the time of this attack.Steve Dorril sent The Independent a letter of response which they refused to print – as they have refused to print any critical response to their attack, including one from Wallace. Dorril’s letter is printed here.
4th. September 1987.
Letters to the Editor
Sir,
I realise that I must temper my language in reference to the recent article by David McKittrick, ‘Doubts over Ulster murder claims’ (Independent 2/9/87). Anger at such an appalling piece is not the way to respond to this totally biased reporting. A close look at the facts is required to correct this farrago of smears.
It would take a full page of your paper to rebut all the points – Such a rebuttal is on the way – so, in the interests of brevity and not to bore your readers I will take up only a few but telling points.
- ‘The Wallace-Holroyd claim of having discussed smears on Labour politicians with Mr. Neave’. The simple fact is, Holroyd never met nor had any form of contact with Airey Neave.
- ‘The Independent has examined the original photograph and obtained a copy’. Untrue. The picture which you reproduce is not the Polaroid (emphasis add, please) which is central to the claims of Holroyd concerning Capt. Nairac and the murder of John Francis Green. Holroyd has been trying for five years to retrieve the colour Polaroid from the RUC. It may interest your readers to know that Holroyd’s ex- wife was interviewed in Zimbabwe in the last two weeks. She told a researcher that she gave material, including the photograph reproduced in the article, to the British High Commissioner in December 1986 (emphasis add, please). The RUC therefore, only had this particular photograph in their possession many years after they had received the Nairac Polaroid from Holroyd, which they refuse to return. Did McKittrick know this or is he just sloppy with his research. What is even more damaging is that this photograph has been hawked around Fleet Street. Other newspapers turned it down realising that this was a plant and part of a smear operation against Holroyd. The question of the Polaroid is absolutely central to Holroyd’s claim that Nairac was involved in the Green killing. Which is why such great efforts have been brought into play to conceal it’s existence.
- There is a less than subtle attempt by McKittrick to suggest that because Holroyd learned of the connection between the Green killing and the Miami Showband massacre from the RUC that this therefore invalidates Holroyd’s claims. I would suggest the reverse is the case. McKittrick chooses to ignore the following, ‘Forensic experts, whose reports we have also seen, later established that two guns were used to shoot Green; one is thought to have been a Luger, the other a Spanish-made Star automatic pistol.’ and ‘The link is the cartridges from the Star automatic pistol found at the scene of the killing. With the secret help of the Garda, these were tested by a scientist attached to the RUC forensic staff, Norman Tulip, and found to be identical with cartridges left at the scene of four sectarian murders, committed between 1973 and 1976.’ (Duncan Campbell New Statesman 4/5/87). These included the Miami Showband killings of July 1975. Besides this forensic evidence Holroyd had knowledge of the history of these guns. He knew, through his own intelligence work, two of those involved in the massacre and that they were ‘used’ by a RUC Special Branch officer, who he has named. That officer Holroyd believes supplied the uniforms worn by the killers. And there is more. Perhaps instead of spending a page on an exercise in character assassination The Independent, if it wishes to live by that name, could actually try to investigate Holroyd’s claims in the manner and professionalism they deserve.
- Mistakes concerning Wallace are contained in virtually every paragraph, for example those on the front page where McKittrick accuses Wallace of making ‘statements that are clearly untrue’.
- ‘A profile of him in a south of England newspaper describes him as a graduate of Queen’s University.’ Wallace has never made such a statement. Is he to be responsible for a newspaper’s reporting error? He did regularly visit Queen’s when he was working with the Officer Training Corps which is on record.
- McKittrick says Wallace ‘demonstrably was not’ a member of the Widgery Tribunal on the Bloody Sunday killings in 1972. As McKittrick himself claims, how can you prove a negative, what is this proof that McKittrick has. I can supply the names of at least four people who sat at the same desk with Wallace. Were they contacted?
- ‘He has said he was three times recommended for decorations, but there is no record of this.’ Untrue. I can supply a reference written by Commander Public Relations Northern Ireland, Tony Stoughton, who writes that he recommended Wallace twice for a decoration. Wallace also has in his possession a copy of the citation for one award.
It just goes on and on. How could a respected journalist print such untrue material. One wonders where the Independent lawyers were when this was put together. McKittrick proudly reports, ‘Another report from a Harley Street psychiatrist – written in 1976 and obtained by The Independent.’ Is this not unethical and deserving of a protest to the Medical Council? This is journalism of the lowest quality. The Independent was set up with higher standards, Holroyd and Wallace deserve a full apology.
- September 3 1987. John Ware writes to editor of Tribune in response to Ramsay article on Ware, the one reprinted in Lobster 14, threatening legal action unless his reply is printed.
- September 10 1987. Paul Foot in Daily Mirror refutes some of the central points in the McKittrick/Ware attack on Wallace.
- September 14 1987. Colin Wallace writes letter to Independent. They don’t print it.
- 18 September 1987. Anonymous piece in Private Eye explaining Chris Ryder role in first attempt to float the RUC package smearing Holroyd, explaining McKittrick’s previous use of Wallace as apparently reliable source, and John Ware’s role in the BBC Panorama ‘investigation’ of the Wright/Wallace/MI5 plots story.
- 21 September 1987. Wallace receives report of polygraph (lie detector) report done on him and his central allegations by Polygraph Security Services, the company which were consultants to the government on the proposed use of polygraphs at GCHQ. Report states: “I am pleased to confirm his responses were truthful.”A story on this appeared in Time Out 16 September 1987, and a much bigger piece, which included the actual questions asked, appeared in Irish News 21 September.
- 25 September 1987. Duncan Campbell refutes McKittrick attack on Holroyd in New Statesman.
- 25 September 1987. John Ware response to Ramsay article (the one reprinted in Lobster 14) in Tribune.
- 2 October 1987. Ramsay and Colin Wallace respond to Ware (item 10) in Tribune.
- October 23 1987. Anonymous piece in The Digger pointing out that The Independent (a) got it totally wrong and (b) had yet to print any response.
- 27 November 1987. Anonymous piece in Private Eye similar to item 12.
We haven’t printed our refutation of the Independent smear in this issue because it would take too much room. However, here is a sample. Reproduced below are Ware’s contribution to the smear in The Independent, and two documents. We included (a) in our refutation package; (b) is a letter from the magazine Sports Parachutist February 1974. The author of the letter, Andre Dennison, is now dead. Both Wallace and Holroyd knew him in Ireland. We didn’t have (b) at the time we put our package together.
The Independent September 2 1987
Parachutist who was all waffle and no action
By John Ware
COLIN WALLACE claims to have been an experienced freefall parachutist who “founded and commanded” an Army display team called The Phantoms in Northern Ireland.
He also says he jumped with an elite free-fall Army display team called The Black Knights, attached to the Royal Horse Artillery. There is no evidence for either claim.
Mr Wallace concedes that proof of his parachuting exploits is the key test of his overall credibility. He accepts that it is hard to provide clinching proof of all his allegations, but says his parachuting is so well documented that “it’s a weird one to choose”. He says that “all I’ve ever asked is that people check out the facts. But nobody ever does.”
Mr Wallace claims to have completed more than 200 free-fall jumps. The proof, he says, can be found at the headquarters of the British Parachute Association in Leicester. Journalists have accepted his story because BPA files do indeed show that he was granted the highest parachutist’s certificate – a D licence, No 1615, on 5 June 1974. But several display parachutists active in the early Seventies say that the D licence system was open to abuse until it was tightened up by law under the Air Navigation Order of 1984.
Our inquiries show that far from commanding the Phantoms in the air, Mr Wallace was the organiser on the ground. The Phantoms were an informal group of Army enthusiasts who performed displays for pleasure and charity. But none can ever recall Mr Wallace actually carrying out a jump. They say he has wildly exaggerated his role.
One former Phantom, Jeff Page, now a civilian, said: “Wallace did all the fixing. He provided us with a Q car [unmarked] so we could travel safely to events. He organised the flares for the drop zone and he often did the ground commentary.
“He loved doing that. He always used to arrive in full jumping gear as if he was going to jump with us. He was what we call a ‘Woofo’ – all waffle and no action.”
Mr Wallace claims to have done much of his jumping at the Ulster Flying Club in Newtownards. But the three club pilots who flew civilian and Army parachutists cannot remember him.
As for his claim to have jumped with The Black Knights, the co-founder of the team, Tim Andrews, said: “I have never heard of Colin Wallace”.
British Forces Post Office 80122 April 1974
British Parachute Association Ltd.
Artillery Mansions
75 Victoria Street
London SW1H 0HHDear Bill
Thank you for your letter BPA/STC-1 dated 11 April 1974 and the enclosed report written by Sgt Whitney. I have only been able to discuss the reported incident with Major Koldaway and Major Dennison by phone as I have not had the opportunity to visit them.
Major Dennison admits that he installed the offending kicker plate as he considered that it was better than nothing and no proper plate was available. He claims that he did not appreciate the dangers involved. I have explained to him the consequences of what could have happened if the reserve had had to be used and cautioned him against carrying out any further illegal modifications.
I agree with Sgt Whitney that greater control of sport parachuting is required in Northern Ireland: The reported incident is typical of the sort of thing that can happen when a relatively large number of keen but sometimes inexperienced parachutists are scattered around the area for short tours, all trying to get in the odd jumps when they can. In fact, significant steps have already been taken to tighten up the control of the sport.
All displays are now co-ordinated by Headquarters Northern Ireland (HQ NI): There is only one display team (The Phantoms) which is composed of suitably qualified members from all units and which is now registered with the APA. Army aircraft will in future only be used for parachuting if approved by HQ NI and when the activities are properly controlled. The only civil aircraft available are those operated by The Ulster Flying Club at Newtownards; – again, parachuting there is now run on a regular basis with proper supervision.
The man chiefly responsible for promoting parachuting among servicemen in Northern Ireland and for getting the sport properly organised is Mr Colin Wallace who works in the Press Office at HQ NI. He is himself a keen and fairly experienced parachutist with about 300 jumps. Unfortunately he is a very busy man and has to rely on experienced parachutists from units on emergency tours to organise a lot of the routine parachuting. We are currently discussing a means of obtaining a resident instructor who could take care of a lot of the day to day problems under the overall direction of Mr Wallace. I will shortly be raising this matter with the APA Committee.
Copy to:
Secretary
Army Parachute Association
Airfield Camp
Netheravon
Wilts
Colin Wallace Esq
Press Officer
Headquarters Northern Ireland
Lisburn
X. Copy: S. Boyd (C.R.) A. Branch
(b)Sport Parachutist FEB 1974
Dear Charlie,
As you printed most things twice in the October magazine I assume you are pushed for material so I thought I might galvanise my ageing bones and write a few words on the throbbing Ulster parachute scene.
You have mentioned Dave Pusey in the same issue – the thing is there is an ad hoc display team over here run by Colin Wallace, UDR Officer, TAVR Officer and PR man extraordinary. He works on the PR desk at HQ Northern Ireland and organises displays around Belfast at any function you care to name, from garden fetes through motor-racing meetings to school open days. He gets his jumpers from the merry band of odds and sods serving over here and only when the plane finally takes off is the actual composition of the team known. In my limited time over here the mainstays of the team have been Roger Ireson of Netheravon fame, Tony Morpheou (however you spell it) and that jump-hog of the decade Arthur Gibson. The normal jump-ship is a Beaver but on occasion we rate a Scout, though Scout hours are like diamonds they tell me. You really haven’t lived until you’ve opened over the Ardoyne then run downwind like a frightened rabbit for some distant school playground – the old half-crown-sixpence-half-crown-sixpence routine really applies in those circumstances! My personal answer to this problem is to utilise one of my two human streamers, Rick Kelly and Richard Koldewey. I just give them their busfare kick them out (usually by stamping on their clutching fingers) and correct from where I see the stone-throwing mod forming.
Richard Koldewey commands the 1 RTR Air Squadron here in Omagh and is a dead keen novice with about 40 free-falls to his name. He’s just got to be the most intrepid student ever – I’ll spare the Safety Committee the more exciting details of his career in Showbiz so far!
Newtownards Flying Club and the local Air Traffickers have looked favourably on our activities so far, and on a couple of weekends we have hired a 172 and done a bit of fun-jumping there. We pay £12 an hour which compares quite well with some of the better known cut-purses around (ears burning Charlie?) and a good time is usually had by all. The gorgeous Liz Davis came over from England last time to bring a bit of glamour into our dull military lives – Morpheou got so excited he actually spotted us on to the airfield!
Anyhow, the point is – all you service jumpers whom the Queen (God Bless Her) has signed up for an all-inclusive four month package holiday in your actual Emerald Isle – make sure you bring your rigs. The pressure of work is still fairly high here and quite often one or more of the Regulars cannot get off and a one-man display team never impressed anyone.
The name of the game is to prove to the local school kids – and others – that British soldiers don’t have horns and a tail, and apart from that it’s free innit?
Andre Dennison, D1075
The real surprise about all this was that the attack on Wallace and Holroyd should have appeared in The Independent rather than, say The Daily Telegraph. It was a very odd business. For example:
- The RUC smear on Holroyd had not only been offered around London, it had actually been reported as such (see item 2).
- David McKittrick had known Wallace in Ireland and had used him as an apparently reliable source – indeed, McKittrick (quoting an unidentified Wallace) was one of the first journalists to break the stories of MI5 operations against the Wilson government.
- Some of the McKittrick material (and the piece by Ware which accompanied it) is very bad journalism, and by a long way the worst thing The Independent has ever put out. Normal editorial standards appear to have been abandoned just for that page.
- The Independent’s refusal to print any response to their attack, even from one of its victims, is very odd indeed for a non-tabloid paper.
Why it was done we don’t know. When the editor finally agreed to meet Fred Holroyd, despite having had the entire piece demolished, he just said that he stood by the story. At which point Fred walked out. If we have any readers on The Independent’s staff we would be interested to hear from you.
* * *
In his Tribune attack on me (item 10 above) Ware says I called him an agent of the state in a letter sent to The Listener. Actually I didn’t, and have no reason to think this. Ware’s behaviour can be explained quite simply in other ways. He started out thinking Wallace was a phoney (reported in item 7 above) and the British state facilitated his finding of the evidence to support his beliefs. Ware – described to me by one of his former colleagues at World in Action as the “best investigative journalist in television” – is apparently naive enough to think, as he wrote in his Tribune piece (item 10 above)
“….it is abundantly clear from the way the evidence was given to me by past and serving soldiers that it could not have been engineered by the MOD.”
Shades of Robert Kennedy! In 1963, immediately after his brother’s assassination, Robert Kennedy is said to have asked the then head of the CIA, John McCone, if the agency had done the dirty deed; and to have “asked the question in such a way that he couldn’t lie to me.” I’ve always wondered which way that was. Evidently John Ware knows.
Looking back over the year since Wallace got out of prison in December 1986….. the story did get going – some of it even got onto Channel 4 News – but the politicians flunked it, and without them the story died. Throughout the summer there was talk of a group of the victims of the smear campaigns in the mid 1970s – an all-party group, some Privy Councillors – forming to take on the secret state. It never looked like materialising.
The Parliamentary Labour Party ran a mile, leaving Dale Campbell-Savours, Dalyell and, latterly Ken Livingstone, to throw stones at the fortress. In what I think is one of the best things he has ever done, Duncan Campbell described in the New Statesman (11 December 1987) how, in the middle of the Zircon affair he was
“asked not to continue phoning his (Neil Kinnock’s) press secretary, Patricia Hewitt … on the grounds that Tory MPs might hear of the calls and criticise him – as they had done in the Peter Wright affair – for permitting his staff to speak to the country’s ‘enemies’ .”
Patricia Hewitt, lest we forget, used to be the head of the National Council for Civil Liberties (UK equivalent of the American ACLU) before she joined Mr. Kinnock. The Parliamentary Labour Party continues to behave as though none of it – Wright, Wallace, Holroyd, Massiter, Ponting, Piers Wooley (who blew the 1983 MI5-Tory Party plots against the CND) – had ever happened.
Still … unlike 1975, ’76, ’77, ’78 and ’81, when the story surfaced and disappeared again, this time it isn’t going to go away. We know of 5 books being written about the Wallace-Wright-Wilson-plots area. And as I write this, about to print a review of, and extracts from the Cavendish book, there are obviously other aspects of the story to be developed.
Robin Ramsay